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Claudius arrives
Dio states in LX60xxi that “he had been instructed to do this (send for Claudius) in case he met with any particular resistance, and, in fact, extensive equipment, including elephants had already been got together for the expedition.”
It seems plain enough from this that reinforcements had been organised and kept ready for deployment, including elephants.
This is a rare reference to the use of these animals as weapons of war in imperial Roman texts
It becomes necessary to look at these majestic beasts in order to try and establish which type of elephant was employed, and how.
While this might be seen (within this narrative) as an aside, it is felt that the question has not been discussed at any length in other places. Also, while no concrete conclusions can be reached, other than the un-likelihood of a chance discovery of elephantine remains at Colchester, the options should be explained as far as possible.
Until recently, it was thought that there were but two main species of elephant, the Asian or Indian elephant (Elephas maximus) and the African (Loxadonta africana) but genetic evidence from the African Forest elephant has revealed it to be either an independent species or a major subspecies given the designation of Loxodonta africana cyclotis. This (sub)species is slightly smaller than the African, it’s primary habitat indicated from its name being closely forested areas where it was used to heaving over trees with its tusks in order to travel through the dense vegetation. It is known that Numidians caught these animals and used them as weapons; it seems likely therefore that the great Hannibal used them when he attacked Rome. It is also thought that these animals were manned by up to three men riding on the animal’s back, a driver, an archer, and a spears-man armed with javelins, they were not housed in a howdah as is so often depicted, these elephants were simply not large enough. If howdahs were part of the equipment, then they would have had to be on Asian elephants, the only other serious contender for the British expedition. It is known that Alexander (the Great) met with these beasts, and might have used them, consequently, it follows that Roman generals fighting in the eastern empire might also have employed them
As with today, any innovation in weaponry is quickly adopted and adapted by other military regimes. It seems reasonable to assume that different species were used in different parts of the Empire.
The African Forest in the African and western empire, where they could easily be shipped from their home in the Atlas Mountains via Sicily to Rome; the Asian in the eastern Empire where the transportation of them could be restrained to that area of influence rather than risk them traversing the entire length of the Empire. Endorsement for this assumption is provided by the Roman writer Pliney the Younger who wrote in his Eighth Book of the History of Nature, chapter xi “Elephants breed in that part of Affricke which lyeth beyond the deserts and wilderness of the Syrtes: also in Mauritania: they are also found among the Aethiopians and Troglodites: but India bringeth forth the biggest.” Prior to this, in chapter viii he wrote “The Indians are wont to take elephants in this manner …….. In Africk they catch them in great ditches …….. “ This means that both species were available to the Roman military machine. One other though less convincing option for the use of elephants in the British Isles was ceremonial. A raw display of power meant to intimidate newly subdued territories. On this occasion, they might have been used to pull a chariot or cart, precedence for this is provided by the numismatics of Nero who had made a gold aurae which displays on the reverse: Quadriga of elephants l., bearing two chairs holding two male figures, Divine Claudius, radiate, holding eagle-tipped scepter in r., and Divine Augustus, radiate, holding patera in r. and scepter in l.; above elephants, EXS C: by authority of the Senate; AGRIPP(INA) AVG(VSTA) DIVI CLAVD(II) {supply uxor} NERONIS CAES(ARIS) MATER: Agrippina Augusta, wife of Divine Claudius, mother of Nero Caesar. Again, Pliney the Younger said in chapter ii, “the first time that ever they (elephants) were known to draw at Rome was in the Triumph of Pompey the Great after he subdued Affricke, for then were two of them put in geeres to his triumphant chariot.”
So the usage of elephants in the Claudian invasion, as with so much else, is speculative, as with so many other aspects of these events. While leaps of faith might be tempting, they have to be reinforced with as much evidence as it is possible to collate. The use of elephants in warfare is far from well documented, and why Plautius felt the need to employ them is not mentioned. Whether they were to be used to counter any threat from the British cavalry or chariots, horses seemingly have a natural aversion to the odour of them or, he hoped that by their shear presence they would be enough to intimidate the Britons. Neither are the numbers of elephants mentioned, for them to provide an effective fighting arm they would have to have been present in quantity, rather than just a representative sample. This then begs the question about fodder and the logistics required to carry them across the Channel, and to maintain them in health while they were with Plautius in Britain. Cassius Dio answers none of this; we are left with speculation, yet again. Meanwhile, the emperor Claudius was travelling from Italy. That he was pre-prepared for the call from Plautius is given credence by Dio who says “Claudius entrusted affairs at home including the command of the troops, to his colleague Lucius Vitellius, whom he had caused to remain in office like himself for a whole half year; and then he himself then set out for the front.” The time scale in this passage is revealing, it states that Claudius had been awaiting the message from Plautius since he departed on the campaign. It could therefore be safe to assume that it was always his intention to be in Britain for the final push, the final battle, the final subjugation of HIS part of the Empire, or that the message from Plautius was so alarming that he felt it necessary to be present for the final phase of the campaign.
According to Cassius Dio, Claudius made much of his journey by ship and boat, first down the Tiber to Ostia, thence following the coast to Masselia (Marseilles), north from there up the river Rhone taking advantage of the speed of travel on the natural waterways as much as possible; only coming ashore to traverse those parts which linked rivers; until “he came to the ocean and crossed over to Britain, where he joined the legions that were waiting for him near the river Thames.”
As previously suggested, the emperor’s likely disembarkation point was at Richborough, the location of the triumphal quadrifons can lead to few other conclusions. Travelling with, and collecting enroute some of the reinforcements, including most probably the elephants, Imperial Caesar arrived in Britain.
His arrival marked by fanfares and parades (one imagines).
Legionary reinforcements may have been provided by the Legio VIII, which had been held in reserve across the channel. Frere (pp 65) says that contingents of the Praetorian Guard also accompanied Claudius, possibly under the command of their prefect, Rufius Pollio. Dio then continues, “Taking over the command of these (legions), he crossed the stream, and engaging the barbarians, who had gathered at his approach, he defeated them and captured Camulodunum, the capital of Cynobellinus (Cunobelin).” In contradiction to some of the above, this would seem to say that Plautius had indeed withdrawn to the safety of the south bank of the Thames, but the rest of this passage is so vague that “the stream” could mean anything. It also points to there having been yet another battle north of the Thames, which if British resistance was both fierce and organised, would be necessary. However, no mention is made of the elephants (sadly), or any affects they had on the Britons.
Whether the battle mentioned by Dio was for the hill fort of Camulodunum (hill fort because it was the British way, to withdraw in times of severe danger to such vast fortifications) or outside the approaches to the same cannot be determined. Whether Caratacus led the resistance at this time likewise is uncertain, though probable.
What can be said with certainty is that the Romans saw the site as strategically important. They occupied it, they changed all about it, they created their provincial capital there; it is known today as Colchester, which is still a military town. It was a place that was to hold significance yet for the Britons, as it was subsequently destroyed by Boudicca in 60AD.
While this section seems brief, there is so little evidence upon which to base any kind of narrative, that brevity cannot be avoided. Suetonius (XVIL) says this of the whole Claudian participation “He made but one campaign and that of little importance. When the Senate voted him the triumphal regalia, thinking the honour beneath the imperial dignity and desiring the glory of a legitimate triumph, he chose Britain as the best place for gaining it, a land that been attempted by no one since the Deified Julius and was just at that time in a state of rebellion because of the refusal to return certain deserters (Togodumnus?) On the voyage there from Ostia he was nearly cast away twice in furious north-westers, off Liguria (the Gulf of Genoa) and near the Stoechades islands . Therefore he made the journey from Massilia (Marseilles) all the way to Gesoriacum (Boulogne) by land, crossed from there, and without any battle or bloodshed received the submission of a part of the island, returned to Rome within six months after leaving the City, and celebrated a triumph of great splendour. To witness the sight he allowed not only the governors of the provinces to come to Rome, but even some of the exiles; and among the tokens of his victory he set a naval crown on the gable of the palace beside the civic crown, as a sign that he had crossed and, as it were, subdued the ocean.” The above passage sums up the whole of this enterprise in a nutshell. Much of what has been written over the last two millennia which has compounded error upon error, assumption upon assumption, theory upon theory, creating a tradition so well grounded in the public sub-conscious that any offering likely to contradict such tradition would be the target of at the very least, disdain. Whether or not certain events happened as portrayed in the all too vague Roman texts, whether those writers had some hidden agenda of their own, none can say. Similarly, all of the above events have here been treated with applied caution in an attempt to provide something more than the few scant words of Dio and Suetonius by including as many other disciplines as possible in order to ‘fill out’ the narrative. In particular, the intervention of Claudius has had countless words written about it, but as can be seen, they are based upon so very little. It seems a shame to close this in an apparently anticlimactic way, but in order to avoid any further bolstering of ‘tradition’, it has been decided simply to provide the texts. Dio concludes this part of British history thus “Thereupon he won over numerous tribes, in some cases by capitulation, in others by force, and was saluted as imperitor several times, contrary to precedent; for no man mat receive this title more than once for one and the same war. He deprived the conquered of their arms and handed them over to Plautius, bidding him also to subjugate the remaining districts. Claudius himself now hastened back to Rome, sending ahead the news of his victory by his sons-in-law Magnus and Silanus. These on learning of his achievement gave him the title of Britannicus and granted him permission to celebrate a triumph.” Some sources will say that Claudius stayed but sixteen days in Britain, hardly enough for him to be considered as the actual ‘conqueror’, his eventual presence being more that of someone who simply had to make an appearance, rather it was Plautius who, it appears, did all the work necessary to subjugate Britain.
Thus began some 367 years of Roman authority in Britain, an authority that ended when the emperor Honorius withdrew the Roman legions from the islands in 410AD to protect the Roman homeland from invasion. 367 years that have captured the imagination of academics, students of history, archaeologists, enthusiastic amateurs (including the composers of these few pages) and school children, and which, hopefully, will continue to do so for many generations yet to come.
Thanks to all those who helped , in many cases not knowing what they were helping with.
by Corinne Mills and Richard Hayton
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